Somalia: No Libertarian Utopia

“Yeah, well, if you think that government is so terrible, why don’t you just pack up your bags and move to SOMALIA!” As a libertarian, I cringe whenever a debate opponent of mine stoops to that certain talking point. Mind you, it’s not that their challenge is particularly witty or even well thought-out; on the contrary, I find myself frustrated by the general lack of understanding about Somalia’s recent history or current political situation. This ignorance seems to be all too pervasive among the college-going populace. Unfortunately, most people do not realize that Somalia’s history during the second half of the twentieth century illustrates that a predatory government was largely responsible for most of the troubles we have come to associate with the country. Because of their ignorance, advocates of a strong state use Somalia’s recent history as a cheap cliché in order to insult anyone who dares criticize our government.

As with most controversial or delicate issues, I feel the need to first briefly preface: I do not intend to imply that anarchy in Somalia is preferable to the functioning constitutional republic in the United States, or the governments of many other countries in the world. I’m sure that several of you have either seen photographs or heard anecdotal evidence of some of the tragedies and hardships that may have occurred in Somalia (most likely in the capital city of Mogadishu). Let me assure you: Somalia is hardly a libertarian paradise. In certain areas of the country, competing tribes of warlords are have swarmed to fill the power vacuum in the area, resulting in extreme violence. Not coincidentally, the aforementioned afflicted areas tend to score pretty low in promoting the “protection of property” and “facilitation of justice” that advocates of limited government so value.

Despite this, evidence does suggest that Somalia has shown steady economic growth since the collapse of its tyrannical government and shows positive signs for sustained prosperity in the area. Before we can understand the situation today, we need to review a bit of this country’s history. Prior to the foundation of Western-style government in the twentieth century, Somalis had traditionally lived in family-oriented communities that were governed by decentralized common law Xeer courts. The modern state of “Somalia” became one sovereign nation in 1961 when the representatives of its citizenry ratified and adopted its official constitution. In 1976, the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (the Xisbiga Hantiwadaagga Kacaanka Soomaaliyeed, or XHKS in their native language) seized control of the nation and established themselves as the only political party. The leadership of this party chose to follow what they called “scientific socialism.” The XHKS would hoard power until the Somali state’s eminent collapse in 1991.

While in control, XHKS implemented a series of “land reclamation” reforms premised on nationalization of private property and subsequent redistribution. As a result, thousands of Somalis were displaced and relocated from their families’ ancestral homes at the hands of their predatory government, who would typically dole out the stolen lands to military leaders and political allies. The government also levied unbearable tax burdens on its citizens, extracting most of their personal wealth while spending 90% of its revenue on military and defense, even during the few periods of peace. With all of this background in mind, it’s not very hard to see how the people of Somalia could have a difficult time creating economic growth in order to enjoy general prosperity.

Not content with destroying the domestic economy of their own nation, the XHKS also continually provoked their Ethiopian neighbors with acts of military aggression because of past tribal conflicts over land. This served to weaken the Somali government until its eventual overthrow by Ethiopian forces in 1991. The next few years were met by punctuated unrest, particularly when U.N. or U.S. “peacekeeping forces” provoked further violence after being deployed in the country.

Despite these hardships, slowly but surely the Somalis managed to reestablish their economic footing. Since the Somalis had customarily lived under a decentralized system of law that protected and respected individual property rights, small sections of the nation gradually reverted to the old pre-Western way of life even while neighboring provinces were literally under fire. Mogadishu, the former capital, is actually the area that suffers the most persistent violence and disorder since rival warlords continually attempt to revive the Western-style Somali state and assume its power. Outside the capital and its outlying areas, however, there appears to be a kind of unspoken truce that keeps this wounded country functioning while its citizens attempt to better their lives.

Not only is life drastically less violent in the majority of the country than in Mogadishu, but since the collapse of the Western-style central government in 1991, many industries in Somalia have boomed against all odds. According to a 2003 World Bank study, the private sector grew impressively, particularly in the areas of trade, commerce, transport, remittance and infrastructure services, in addition to the primary sectors, notably livestock, agriculture and fisheries. Agriculture and livestock have proven to be lucrative industries for the Somalis; cattle sales have increased by 400%, goat exports account for 95% of Africa’s total and sheep exports account for 52% of Africa’s total. The private airline industry is prospering and is comprised of 15 different firms, 60 planes, and 6 international routes. Somalia has one of the best telecommunications systems on the continent: several companies such as Golis Telecom Group, Hormuud Telecom, Somafone, Nationlink, Netco, Telecom and Somali Telecom Group provide crystal-clear service, including international long distance, for about $10 a month. Multinational corporations such as Dole, Coca Cola, and DHL have invested in Somalia and several oil companies have expressed interest in establishing operations there as well.

In addition to their sustained economic prosperity, standards of living in Somalia have dramatically improved since the collapse of its government in 1991. In 2005, the Independent Institute found that the death rate, infant mortality rate, life expectancy, quality of main telephone lines, risk of tuberculosis, and immunization for measles and DTP had risen significantly since their last measurement in 1990.

Although the country has experienced noticeable improvements in the past decade, there is still much unrest in the area. Most people immediately associate Somalia with the recent news about piracy in the waters that surround their borders and frequent clashes between warlords. The constant flow of foreign aid provides a steady stream of income for power-hungry warlords to ensure that they are well-equipped with weapons. Yet somehow, against all of the odds, the people of Somalia have managed to carve out a separate peace for themselves. Though their current situation is hardly a Utopia, it is certainly lightyears beyond the tyranny they had previously suffered at the hands of their pre-1991 government. Upon reviewing the empirical evidence it is clear that Somalia is neither a libertarian paradise nor an example of a society in chaos without the “necessary” structures of a government, but is in a class all of its own.